A Time for New Thinking in the Haredi World – Part II

(Note: I know this article is long, but I believe it is important.  I am looking for those who will help me achieve the goals stated herein - please contact me if you would like to join with me in moving this forward.  YLO) 

In an essay published a few months ago, I described the growing tension between the Charedi and non-Charedi (secular and national religious) public. I contended that the Charedi community must acknowledge that the events of October 7 have dramatically transformed Israeli society and significantly affected the interactions between the Charedim and other societal groups, as the status quo will no longer stand.

If you have been following the news, you know all my predictions have come true. The Supreme Court has ordered the government to cut funding to all yeshivos and kollels whose students do not serve in the army. The battle lines have been sharply drawn: the overwhelming majority of the Israeli public is no longer willing to put up with the mass exemption of all Charedi young men from the army. With mounting casualties and endless amounts of reserve duty that miluimnikim are forced to serve, the army faces a massive shortage of manpower, severely impacting businesses and families. They also see the massive growth of the now more than a million Charedim. They are worried about future demographics in which a huge percentage of the population refuses to shoulder their national responsibilities.

Sadly, the Charedi leadership sees it as a religious imperative of the highest order to resist any change regarding national service, even for those (estimated at 35%) who are not in yeshiva and not learning. Efforts to create collaborative systems with the army in which Charedi standards of tznius, limud haTorah, tefillah, Mehadrin food, and other needs are properly met are rejected out of hand (although there are a few small successful programs, notably Yeshiva Derech Etz Chaim, the first hareidi Hesder Yeshiva).

Instead, they are spreading the narrative that the government is set on destroying Torah and the Charedi world in a fit of anti-religious hatred. (It must be noted that the lack of trust in the IDF is well founded. The IDF has a lot to answer for regarding the Religious Zionist community towards which it sometimes behaved abominably as far as religious needs are concerned, taking it for granted that Zionist ideology would win. There were too many officers who did not hide their desire to influence soldiers to be non-religious. However, that is almost completely in the past. Today, it is exhibiting a policy change, as evidenced by a far greater success of religious soldiers flourishing in the army).

Leading elderly Rabbonim traveled to America attempting to raise vast amounts of money to replace the government largesse that has kept them afloat till now. Massive demonstrations are the religious call of the day in which the participants scream, "We will die rather than be drafted!" accompanied by calling police Nazis when they attempt to disperse them.
At the same time, we are moving closer and closer to a full-scale war with Hezbollah on the northern border, Rachmana Litzlan. It is a time for national unity, but sadly, this is the reverse of what is happening.

My motivation for writing today stems from a firm belief that the perspectives being disseminated by the Charedi leadership do not reflect the views of everyone—possibly not even the majority—within the Charedi population. It is time for those within the Charedi world who recognize the need for change to use their influence to drive a positive shift in attitudes.

Several recent events additionally strengthened this belief.

• The January pro-Israel rally in Washington, which saw hundreds of thousands of Jews uniting to bolster support for Israel and combat the alarming rise in antisemitism, had a notably poor attendance from the Charedi community. This was due to many leaders advising against participation through statements that shocked many in the yeshiva world.
  
  
• In Israel, there were many shining examples of Charedim championing positive messages of unity and appreciation for IDF soldiers. At the same time, unfortunately, opposing voices emerged as well, disparaging those who "glorify soldiers" and condemning those who volunteered to serve in the army, and much worse. This was in addition to statements by some of the most senior leaders in the Charedi leadership that yeshiva students should not visit wounded soldiers and help their families, as it might disturb their serenity when learning.
  Or that the Bein Hazmanim must offer the regular month-long recess from yeshivos, as the bochurim and Avreichim (unlike the weary soldiers who have not such vacation) need to recover from the rigors of a long winter z'man. The only concession to the harrowing reality gripping Israel —with constant threats faced by civilians, tens of thousands of whom remained displaced and the many families mourning loved ones — was that bachurim should be careful not to be seen taking pleasure trips (Tiyulim), as this would invite negative publicity. (In fact, the reverse happened — many Israelis were appalled to see young Charedi men in restaurants, on buses, and wandering the streets, forgetting their claim that their Torah learning is what saves the day). Many who call themselves Charedi (by default) are appalled by such statements and attitudes.

These are just some recent events. There is a long history of spokesmen, including those considered important Charedi Rabbonim, taking increasingly extreme positions and dismissing what used to be mainstream ideas while claiming that their extremist positions were always the norm and are mandated by "Da'as Torah".

I find this all very uncomfortable at best; maddening and disappointing are better words to describe my feelings. After all, many people might classify me as Chareidi. I wear a black hat (although I wear colored shirts on weekdays), identified as a member of Agudas Yisroel, went to "black hat" yeshivos, looked to the Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah as the voice of Torah authority, do not say Hallel with a beracha on Yom HaAtzmaut, have a son and several sons-in-law who learn in Kollel, and so forth.
Nevertheless, I feel thoroughly distanced from most of the pronouncements of Rabbinic and political Charedi spokesmen. I cannot listen to any of the statements mentioned above with anything but disdain. I know deep in my kishkes that they are not in line with the Mesorah that I grew up with – with the Torah I heard from Rav Moshe Feinstein and Rav Yaakov Kamenetsky and Rav Shlomo Zalman Auerbach, all zt" l, and others of that generation, and that of my personal Rabbeim.

We – the middle-of-the-road men and women who grew up in ordinary yeshiva-oriented homes and yeshivas – have been shunted aside and subsumed within the "Chareidi" label, to our detriment. 

More importantly, I daresay that there are, at the very least, tens of thousands of people who feel hashkafically similar to me, both in Israel and the Diaspora, whether or not they say it out loud. While this has long troubled me and many others, we have somehow made our peace with this.
Now, current events have shown the vital need for people to speak out and reclaim the spiritual mooring taken from us. We – the middle-of-the-road men and women who grew up in ordinary yeshiva-oriented homes and yeshivas – have been shunted aside and subsumed within the "Chareidi" label, to our detriment. We want to be serious Avdei Hashem, who holds on to traditional values with which we were raised without being associated with attitudes and statements by others within the Charedi label that do not represent us at all, to put it mildly. The Charedi label has become too broad – we want out of it as it identifies us with those who we cannot countenance.

Although this is coming to a head, I have been thinking about this for many years. In a lengthy article I wrote a decade ago (https://tinyurl.com/LostHashkafa), I described at length how the Hashkafic group that I, and many, many others, grew up with had somehow been taken from us. I will summarize the main contention briefly, but I sincerely hope that interested readers take the time to read it.

In the 1960s and 70s, my family and I were not considered hareidi — we had never even heard the term. We knew that there were three broad categories within the Ashkenazi Orthodox world, each containing various factions. The three categories were (a) Modern Orthodox, (b) the so-called Ultra-Orthodox and (c) a large group in the middle. These are rough, simplistic characterizations:

•  Modern Orthodox – tended to be Religious Zionist, identified with Mizrachi and Yeshiva University, very open to secular culture, saw great value in secular education, were careful about basic observance but not anything perceived to be a chumra, and also included a good many more seriously observant individuals, some of whom were first-rate talmidei chachamim.
• Ultra-Orthodox – tended to be primarily hassidic (e.g. Satmar), very opposed to Zionism, not identified with Agudah, closed to secular culture, were proud to say that they had little or no secular education, honored Torah learning, and placed a high value on rigorous observance and adopting many chumros.
• In the middle – (MG) were not supportive of Zionism and often expressed critical views regarding the secular leadership and the state of Israel, refraining from celebrating Yom HaAtzmaut. Yet, (whether or not expressed overtly) they were deeply concerned about the welfare of the State of Israel and were quietly proud of some of her accomplishments. They typically aligned themselves with Agudah, were open to some aspects of secular culture, and were interested in sufficient secular education to qualify for a well-paying job without generally pursuing higher education – those who did usually attended university after dedicating several years to full-time yeshiva study. Diligently observant, they placed a high value on Torah learning.

These descriptions were similar, though not identical, to three broad divisions in Israel:

1. Dati Le'umi/Chardal – identified with Mizrachi and Yeshivot Bnai Akiva;
2. Charedi – tended to mainly to live in Meah Shearim/Geulah/Bnei Brak, including groups such as Briskers, Satmar, Neturei Karta, and the Eidah Chareidis; and
3. those in the middle group (MG). The MG were non-Zionist but not anti-Zionist, thankful for many of the accomplishments of Medinat Yisrael, interested in its welfare, and appreciative of government-provided services such as the Army, police, and National Insurance. Generally identified with Agudah, many learned full-time a few years after marriage, after which they would briefly serve in the army before going to work. There was little interest in secular education beyond elementary school.

There was a fairly straightforward division as to which Gedolim belonged to which camp, both in America and Israel. One could never imagine, for example, that Rav Moshe Feinstein would be considered authoritative in Satmar or that the Satmar Rav would be the guide for MG; it was clear that these were different streams with different shitos and hashkafos.

Interestingly, the MG did not self-identify as Chareidi. They saw significant differences between themselves and the Eidah Charedis. MG would usually call themselves "yeshivati" (yeshivish), "Litai" (Litvish), "chassidi" (chassidish), "Sefardi" (Sephardic), or just "a frummer Yid” or "black hat".

My lament is that, somehow, that large middle group has unofficially but firmly disappeared. In today's Orthodox world, you are either Modern Orthodox/Dati Le'umi or Charedi. I awoke one morning and found that my family and I were now considered Charedim, as most of those who were once MG somehow came to be called Charedim.

It is not entirely clear why this happened. In the aforementioned article, I discussed some possible causes. However, whether these or other factors caused the demise of the middle group really doesn't matter. The bottom line is that it has occurred and is the reality we now live in — you are either Modern Orthodox/Dati Le'umi or Charedi. (A small number call themselves Chardal (Chareidi Leumi) who are in between Dati Leumi and the middle group, yeshiva oriented but who proudly serve in the IDF, but have yet to garner significant membership).
OK, you might say, so what if I am called hareidi? After all, there are certainly benefits to being considered Charedi. Feeling at home in the warmth and geshmak that abounds in yeshiva and Chassidic communities is good. Moreover, there are beautiful Charedi accomplishments – like all the chessed groups, Hatzalah, Zaka, the Siyum HaShas – in which Charedim can justly take great pride.

Unfortunately, however, there is a very negative side. First of all, besides the aforementioned pronouncements that I abhor and do not want to be associated with, it is no secret that in much of Israeli society (and the American Jewish community), being labeled as Charedi in Israel is to be considered complicit with many negative actions, attitudes, and shirking of national responsibility that enrage the rest of the public. These have caused Charedim to be among the most reviled groups in Israeli society.
By accepting the term Charedi, I am classified with a term that is used by the non-religious, and certainly the non-Jewish, world to identify what they see as a million-strong monolithic group that includes extremist views antithetical to my beliefs, such as Peleg Yerushalmi, anti-modern Eida Chareidis and even the horrible Neturei Karta. All of them – all of us – are referred to with one term: Charedim.

When I have discussed this issue with others, including close friends and family, they usually respond, "Come on, we all know that there are still major differences. You know that I and my chaverim have nothing to do with the terrible Neturei Karta and Peleg Yerushalmi and other extremists…everyone knows that mainstream Charedim do not support that and are opposed to them!" I respond, "First of all, even if you and your chaverim know that, the outside world does not. To them, you are the same; you are Charedim. Secondly, there are more and more leading Rabbonim who fully agree with the extremist views and are now considered mainstream Charedi. And most importantly, in almost every case of severe desecration of G-d's Name, Chilul Hashem, by those groups, the 'mainstream' Charedi leadership does not condemn them and does not disassociate from them. They just accept that the extremists will do their thing (and influence far too many young, impressionable minds), do not stand up to their often violent tactics, and just let them be. And the Chilul Hashem continues, and the Charedim become more and more reviled and feared by the general public.

Why must I choose to either be either Dati Leumi or haredi? Why have the many people like me been left bereft of a hashkafic home, when we are just trying to live Torah lives and support being part of the IDF?

In the existential struggle that is going on right now and consuming Israel, it is simply not true that all who are called "Charedim" agree with the stance of the Charedi leadership that no change whatsoever be allowed and that all young men, regardless of whether they are actually learning, must not be drafted into the army.

(Speaking for them), we recognize that:

• The deal worked out between the Chazon Ish zt" l and Ben Gurion almost eighty years ago — whereby the few hundred full-time learners (at most) were exempted from army service in an attempt to rebuild the Torah world destroyed in the Holocaust — was a temporary measure, not envisioning a time when tens of thousands would be exempted
• The system by which the "shvers" (fathers-in-law) would support young married couples is unsustainable today, given that three generations of shvers are full time learning. In Israel, with the war's economic impact, it is untenable to support tens of thousands of young men who do not enlist.
• It is simply not true that going to the army means that a young man necessarily will be lost to Yiddishket. Tens of thousands of wonderful yirei shamayim and Talmidei chachamim in the Dati Leumi and particularly in its Hesder and yeshiva gevoha world prove otherwise. A similar system can and should be set up with the active collaboration of Charedi Roshei Yeshiva to provide for proper Torah, Tefilla, Kashrus, and Tzniyus standards if only there was the will to work together on it, recognizing that the status quo must change. (As I wrote, one such Hesder yeshiva already exists, but is considered marginal by the overwhelming majority)
• Clearly, there are large groups of Chareidim who will never agree to any change and will fight changes ever more fiercely — the true “ultra-Orthodox”. They should be left to fight their own battles with the Israeli authorities and not bind the many who quietly do not agree with them and see the need for change. If there was a more pragmatic and rational group they could be part of, they could publicly disassociate from those who say "We would rather die than be drafted" and continue to enrage the Israel public.
• The tolerance of Israeli society for such a large segment of the population who (as they see it) do not work, do not serve in the army, do not contribute (with notable exceptions like Hatazalah, Zaka, etc.) - and contain many who are not suited to learn full time - while demanding huge government benefits and stipends has ended. There is no political, judicial, or social will to continue this. None whatsoever — to the extent that there is any talk of support for it, it is seen as pure political blackmail.

Why must I choose to either be either Dati Leumi or Charedi? Why have people like me been left bereft of a hashkafic home, when we are just trying to live Torah lives based on the Chinuch we received in the MG of old? If only there were a different group that I could be publicly associated with! One that looked for its Torah guidance to the many great Rabbonim today who teach and speak in the true Mesorah of the great Gedolim of my youth and do not share these extreme hashkafos but (perhaps because of this) are not widely seen as the Gedolei HaDor.

This is a group that stood firmly for Shmiras HaTorah and dikduk b'mitzvos, but also for inclusiveness, moderation, and the cardinal need for us to focus – in word and deed – on "making the name of Hashem beloved through the model you present" (Yoma 86b). Indeed, it is time to publicly and clearly redefine and contrast the two broad groups as separate hashkafic entities with different mindsets and worldviews.

If that group existed, I would not be subject to criticism by the secular media and public, who conflate all Charedim and tar them with the same brush. Let those who espouse extremist views and condone associated actions live with the results of their choices while allowing the rest of us to follow a different path, unencumbered by that association. It is patently ridiculous and unfair that the great majority of the "middle group", who are repulsed by many things that happen in the Charedi world, have to feel defensive because of their "fellow Charedim".

Finally, I must admit that I debated whether this was the time for this article, as it was such an unusual time of Jewish unity. But first of all, as I described in Part One of this article, that unity is very fragile and, in fact, already coming apart. Moreover, I am talking about an issue already being hotly debated in the public square, with many people upset about the issues I pointed to at the beginning of this essay.
In the late Jewish Observer, Rav Nachman Bulman זצ"ל penned a vital article, "What Price Unity", regarding relations between the Orthodox and the non-Orthodox. In it, he spoke of the tension between the need for peace and unity among Jews and the need for clear distinctions when significant matters of principle were concerned. He argued that while standing together against external threats is crucial, we must not be cowed into accepting what we perceive as a distortion of our banner of Torah. Jewish unity is generally vital, but our tradition teaches us that it is not always so. We need Achdus, but we also need havdalah, when unity comes at a cost that is too great.

Published July 26, 2024 in the Jewish Press, Israel National News, and the Queens Jewish Link

Why a Haredi Spokesman is Dividing Religious Jews

When I first saw that Rabbi Avi Shafran's recent essay " Why a Gaza hostage deal is Dividing Religious Jews About a Sacred Tenet of Judaism" (reproduced below) was being run in the virulently anti-religious, far-left Israeli newspaper Haaretz (I could not find it any other media publication) I was surprised. . . until I read the essay.

HaAretz was indeed the ideal place for this flawed and biased article, which distorted the positions of Haredim while attacking the National religious parties headed by Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir.

Briefly, the article claimed that the recent support of the Haredi parties for President Biden's hostage deal was purely a reflection of the deep concern that Haredim feel about the hostages and the primacy of the mitzvah of Pidyon Shvuyim (releasing captives) apparently far more than their counterparts in the National Religious world. From constant prayers for the captives to signs about them in Meah Shearim and other fantasies that he conjures up, one is given to believe that the position the Haredi political parties took was based solely on altruistic love for their captive brothers and sisters and zeal for Torah values, which apparently to his mind is far greater than in the National Religious camp.

To his American audience, he went on to explain that "While Smotrich's Religious Zionism and Ben-Gvir's Otzma Yehudit parties see things through what is essentially a patriotic lens, albeit one informed by religious beliefs; UTJ and Shas' view is exclusively Judaism-centric in nature." Furthermore, he claims, that for Smotrich and Ben Gvir, the release of the hostages is a lower priority. In contrast, they see "military gain and the crushing of Hamas, realistic or not, as the prime goal, above all else."

To say that only Haredi views are based on Torah values, while those of the National Religious and Otzma parties are based on a "patriotic lens albeit informed by religious beliefs" is a lie, distortion, and an insult. 

There is so much here that is offensive that it is hard to know where to begin. To say that only Haredi views are based on Torah values, while those of the National Religious and Otzma parties are based on a "patriotic lens albeit informed by religious beliefs" is a lie, distortion, and an insult. The views may be different, but they are both based on solid Torah values, albeit positions that disagree with each other. The NR and O parties believe that (1) it is a mitzvah of the highest order to take part in the National defense and that this can be done and is done such that there are many religious soldiers who fight who are Yirei Shamayim and Talmidei Chachomim who follow the Halacha that everyone is required to participate in a Milchememt Mitzvah. They follow Poskim, who, like Moshe Rabbeinu, says that it is wrong to sit back while others fight. They hold that while it may be justified for a relatively small cadre of super-dedicated men to study Torah full-time, the way of the Torah is that most people must participate in the National Defense. This short essay is not the place to discuss the enormous issue of the mitzvah and the privilege of fighting for the protection of our people. Still, it is ugly, offensive, and false to claim that it is not based on "exclusively Judaism-centric sources".

Moreover, the opposition that the National Religious and Otzma parties have to Biden's deal is not because of any lack of deep desire to see the hostages freed. There is no difference of opinion about the importance of the "Sacred Tenet of Judaism", Pidyon Shvuyim. Their opposition — shared by a majority of Israelis — is because (a) it is a bad deal in which Israel has to give up many bloodthirsty captives who, like the accursed Sinwar, will likely hurt us again, and (b) it leaves Hamas in place to regroup and not be defeated, and (c) they don't trust the US government, or anyone else, with guaranteeing our security, and many other reasons. They feel that the only way to get a deal that we can live with is to fight till the total submission of Hamas to the point that they will not threaten us again. This deal is flawed and falls far short of that.

It is obvious to any observer of the current Israeli political scene that the Haredi parties' strong support of the hostage deal is primarily due to one major issue and one minor issue, both of which stem from a strategic political calculus.

But the cynicism runs much deeper. 

Any observer of the current Israeli political scene will see that the Haredi parties' strong support of the hostage deal is primarily due to one major issue and one minor issue, both of which stem from a strategic political calculus.

The major issue is the position they have taken on the hostage deal is based on the Haredi parties' attempts to garner political support from other parties, particularly those who might be sympathetic to their draft law, which aims to exempt all Haredim from military service. This law is wildly unpopular and highly controversial and faces significant opposition; thus, securing political allies could be crucial for the Haredi parties to advance their agenda. They are, therefore, willing to sit with strange bedfellows, even the very anti-religious Yair Lapid, who Rabbi Shafran quotes as congratulating the Haredim for "displaying national responsibility." It is no secret to anyone that Lapid's concern for the hostages is a cover for his boundless enmity for PM Netanyahu, whom he continually falsely attacks as not caring about the hostages and seeking only his own political survival.

The minor issue is that there has been a noticeable trend of growing support for Otzma Yehudit among young Haredim, a shift that has caused concern among traditional Haredi parties. This trend is attributed to various factors, including a desire for more robust representation on national security issues and a more assertive stance on Jewish identity in the public sphere. Young Haredim are increasingly drawn to Otzma's bold approach to these topics, which resonates with their concerns about the future of their community and the state of Israel. As a result, Haredi parties are wary of the potential loss of votes to Otzma, as they traditionally rely on the unified support of their community to maintain political influence.

It is too bad that Rabbi Shafran engages in falsification and distortion to promote the Haredi agenda and the canard that Haredim care about the hostages more than those who are actually going out to fight for them. What is true is that much as we wish there were a good deal on the table, no deal is better than a bad deal that does more harm than good.

Published on Israel National News (Arutz Sheva) 6/13/24

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Original Safran Essay - I don't want anyone to give HaAretz a dime in order to read it.

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I'm an ultra-orthodox Jew, and I pray regularly over the course of each week at three different New York-area synagogues. I've also attended services in recent months in several other American cities. Since October 7, all of them have concluded with the recitation of a chapter or two of Psalms followed by the prayer on behalf of Jews "in distress or captivity," with the plea for divine mercy on them and that they will swiftly be delivered them from distress to comfort, from darkness to light, from enslavement to redemption."

A flash of that light and redemption was seen Saturday when four Israeli hostages were rescued in a special Israeli army operation in central Gaza, among them Noa Argamani, 25, who became a symbol of those kidnapped into Gaza by Hamas after a video of her being carried off into captivity by motorcycle, surrounded on either side by Hamas terrorists, as she screamed out in despair went viral.

The rescue was welcome news, but the most realistic best hope to get the others home is a negotiated deal.

It shouldn't be a surprise that ultra-Orthodox political parties Shas and United Torah Judaism have endorsed a plan that U.S. President Joe Biden announced last week was Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's for a truce   a phased plan to secure Hamas' release of hostages and end the war in Gaza.

The ultra-Orthodox, or Haredi, community both in the Diaspora and in Israel has held the hostages center of mind for one simple reason: our belief in the sanctity of life.

This past Hanukkah, candles representing each of the Hamas hostages at the time were lit in a Jerusalem yeshiva's display of anguish over and hope for, one for each of the hostages abducted by Hamas. Another Haredi yeshiva set seats for the hostages at a large empty table. Hundreds of its students read Psalms for their release.

The names of the hostages have been projected on the main street in Bnei Brak, a largely ultra-Orthodox city near Tel Aviv, along with a plea for prayers that they be released. Each week, the Haredi publication Hamodia dedicates a page with the names of the hostages.

Notices are hung in the ultra-orthodox Jerusalem neighborhood of Mea Shearim in Yiddish requesting people recite psalms and prayers for the return of the hostages.

Pamphlets with the pictures and names of the hostages have been circulated in the Haredi community, where everyone is given the opportunity to "adopt" a hostage and recite psalms for them until they return. The effort was duplicated in the predominantly ultra-Orthodox neighborhood of Borough Park in neighborhood of Brooklyn.

The fact that few, if any, of the hostages have been identified as belonging to religious communities is a non-factor when it comes to feeling anguish and imploring the Creator to effect their release. Pidyon shvuyim, redemption of captives, is a major Jewish religious obligation. The legendary 12th century Jewish thinker Rambam wrote that "The redeeming of captives takes precedence over supporting the poor or clothing them. There is no greater mitzvah than redeeming captives."

Haredi support of the hostage release plan stands in stark contrast to National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich's insistence that they will not back the current proposal, and have threatened to resign from the government if Netanyahu accepts the deal. A previous hostage deal was supported by the ultra-Orthodox parties and all other parties in the government with the exception of Ben-Gvir's party.

If there was a realistic way to rescue all the remaining hostages without loss of life   an Israeli commando perished in the recent mission as did Palestinian civilians   that would be ideal. Unfortunately, the pending deal is likely the best way forward at present.

But Ben-Gvir called the plan "a flawed deal, which is a victory for terror and a security threat to the State of Israel. Agreement to such a deal is not total victory   but total defeat." He and Smotrich see military gain and the crushing of Hamas, realistic or not, as the prime goal, above all else.

Most Americans don't fully understand how different the Israeli ultra-Orthodox world is from the national religious one. Israelis are considerably more familiar with that distinction.

Because, just as the Haredi parties' attitude toward military service for those engaged in full-time Torah studies   the source of so much consternation in Israeli society   radically diverges from that of the nationalist religious parties, so do the two camps' respective attitudes toward military or political objectives. While Smotrich's Religious Zionism and Ben-Gvir's s Otzma Yehudit parties see things through what is essentially a patriotic lens, albeit one informed by religious beliefs; UTJ and Shas' view is exclusively Judaism-centric in nature.

And, while both camps regard Eretz Yisrael ("The Land of Israel") as holy and as the birthright of Klal Yisrael, a term which means for the good of the Jewish world community, Haredi leaders see the preservation of Jewish lives as a higher priority than Jewish presence on every part of the Holy Land. That is why Rabbi Elazar Menachem Shach, who founded Degel Hatorah, one of the two parties that comprise the United Torah Judaism joint ticket, famously endorsed territorial concessions if they could save Jewish lives.

Whether such concessions in reality today can preserve the safety of Jews is an arguable proposition. If there are any true partners for peace among the Palestinian leadership, they have yet to reveal themselves . But concern for Jewish lives nevertheless remains a Haredi fundamental.

To be sure, utterly destroying Hamas, the stated goal of the government which Haredi parties are members of may prove to be elusive. And, in any event, evil is a shape-shifter; hatred of Jews living in Israel among some in Palestinian society seems, unfortunately, to be a perennial weed. This leaves, at least in Haredi eyes, rescuing the hostages not yet killed, as priority number one.

It's worth noting that the proposal outlined by Biden is not perfect but has the potential for achieving that mission.

Israeli opposition leader Yair Lapid, offering exquisitely rare praise for Israel's ultra-orthodox population, which currently makes up some 13 percent of Jewish Israelis, welcomed the ultra-Orthodox parties' support for the hostage deal/truce proposal as "displaying national responsibility."

But that is not what it is. What it is, is the embrace of the Jewish religious mandate to prioritize the saving of Jewish lives. And even though we welcome Saturday's rescue, the other 120 hostages who still need to come home, some of them who, tragically, will return in body bags, cannot wait for another daring and dangerous military operation.

Leil Shimurim: Hashem Eclipsed our Enemies

They say that seeing is believing

In our age of technical wonders and artificial intelligence, we know that when it comes to “photographs” or “video, seeing is not necessarily believing.  They can be easily altered, and it is close to impossible to know when they are “fake.” However, when it comes to natural things that we see with our own eyes, we still take it as true that “seeing is believing”.

Moreover, the notion suggests that one cannot truly comprehend an event or phenomenon until and unless one sees it for oneself. That might be true about many things, but I beg to differ, at least for two events this past week.

One of them was the solar eclipse that we missed here in Israel. We didn’t get to see it, but the accounts shared by those who experienced totality describe a fantastic phenomenon. It's depicted as an awe-inspiring, almost surreal encounter that makes one feel the greatness of our Creator like few others. Virtually all recount how incredible it was to watch the moon moving directly in the path of the sun and then out again. They believe that the four or so minutes of totality represent the time it takes the moon to move that distance in its month-long trip around the Earth.

However, this is not accurate. The reason that it takes only four minutes is NOT because the moon moves in front of the sun at that speed; it does not. If it was moving at that speed, a far shorter time than a month would be needed to circumvent the Earth. The body that is moving so rapidly is the Earth itself, as it rotates on its axis.

As we stand on the Earth’s surface, we are actually moving at an incredible speed. You may not know this, but (hold onto your hat!) you are actually moving, while standing still, much faster than any jetliner: approximately 1,000 miles per hour. The circumference of the Earth (at the equator) is 24,901 miles. Simple arithmetic yields that for it to spin around completely in 24 hours, it would have to rotate at about 1,000 miles per hour.

Thus, when the umbra of the moon’s shadow moves over the Earth, it appears only briefly in any particular place because the Earth is spinning very quickly. (This also explains the circular path of the umbra, which is based on the Earth’s curvature). Only a relatively small percentage of the movement that you see is due to the moon’s movement.

In other words, you are not seeing what you think you are seeing. The solar eclipse is certainly due to the moon’s shadow, but the rapidity of the movement is due to the Earth’s movement rather than the moon’s.

I thought about this lesson as I sat in my home in Migdal HaEmek on Motzaei Shabbos, less than two miles from the largest air force base in northern Israel. We knew that the Ayatollahs ימ"ש had unleashed hundreds of missiles that were headed our way, with who knows what type of warheads. It was the first time that our most dangerous enemy had attacked us directly - not through their Hamas, Houthi and Hezbollah puppets. We knew that as a crucial military asset, Ramat David would be targeted, and one would expect that we would be cowering in fear while awaiting the arrival of the missiles and drones.

The true story was not the visible missiles but rather the hidden Hand of G-d batting them all away.

And yet, when they arrived, it was surreal. We looked out at the flashing lights in the sky, knowing that they were deadly missiles and drones, and yet totally at peace and calm and feeling completely protected. Hashem was our protector, watching over us so that not one Jew was hurt.

We certainly were grateful for the power and technical prowess that He blessed us with to intercept virtually every missile, and the skill and bravery of the IAF is just fantastic. One after the other, missiles exploded, and the fireworks display beat any Fourth of July celebration I have ever attended. But we knew that no matter how good the IAF and the Iron Dome are, the fact that not one missile got through was a fantastic miracle only attributable to Hashem.

It felt like a Leil Shimurim — the Night of Protection —experienced by our ancestors in Egypt. All around them was chaos, death, and destruction; not one Egyptian home was spared from death. At the same time — both then and now — our people sat serenely in their homes, feeling loved and protected. One saw the danger, but the true story was not the visible missiles but rather the hidden Hand of G-d batting them all away.

I know that some wonder how dangerous and frightening it must be in Israel at this moment. The opposite is true. There is nowhere else that I, nor anyone I know, would rather be than here, at this exciting moment, "seeing with our own eyes" the unfolding of history, while knowing there is much we do not see.

I hope you have the privilege of visiting here again soon, hopefully for good, as our nation progresses toward its national destiny, with the coming of the Final Redemption speedily in our days.

Chag Kasher vSameach

 

A Time for New Thinking in the Haredi World – Part I

Preface:  I first wrote this essay about two months ago, and have been waiting for it to be published in the Jewish Press before putting it on my blog.  While I don't think it contains anything controversial, they were worried that some in the Charedi community would be upset with it.   In the meantime, much of what I predicted is coming more and more true every day, and the urgency for consideration of these ideas only grows.

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One thing is clear to almost everyone in Israel: The world has changed since Simchas Torah.  There is no going back to the way things were.

The subhuman monsters who murdered, raped, and beheaded our brothers and sisters have shaken the world.  In Israel, for the most part, there is a tremendous unity of purpose and a sense of brotherhood to fight together for our national future.  Unlike what was going on before October 7, when left and right, religious and secular, were at each other's throats, there are now countless examples of Jews of all types coming together, appreciating each other, finding common ground as Jews, and hoping together for Hashem’s help.  Many see in this great hope that it is part of the necessary conditions that will hopefully lead to our final redemption, speedily in our days.

However, I believe that the current scenario is very fragile.  I am old enough to have lived through the Six Day War and Yom Kippur War and intifadas and other crises and have seen similar unifying moments (although this seems to be the most powerful yet).  In all those cases the unity waned soon after the crisis abated, and unfortunately, the Sinas Chinom that we Jews excel at returned quite quickly.

It is already happening.  The leaders of the “Kaplan Movement” who regularly led rallies of tens of thousands paralyzing the country and did so much damage in the name of “Democracy”, found themselves on October 8 without a platform on which to bloviate and feel important. Unfortunately, they found a way to be “relevant” again.  They are leading a growing movement that is cynically using the pain of the families of hostages to whip up anti-Netanyahu and anti-government protests, blaming him and the government for the security failures on October 7 and demanding that Netanyahu resign immediately.  (They, of course, refuse to admit their part in causing the national weakness that our enemies saw and blame it all on others.)  They have returned to the streets in Kaplan and at the homes of cabinet ministers and soon will attempt mass rallies countrywide.  While this is, thankfully, still only a minority view, the seething hatred of many is just under the surface, waiting to be stoked by extremists on both sides. There is enormous resentment against the leadership of the Army and the government that left Israel so vulnerable on October 7.  Most sane people understand that the Day of Reckoning must come after the war, but the anger and desire for heads to roll bubbles up more and more frequently.  When this finally happens, it is hard to envision much unity that will survive.

My concern, however, is mostly with the Haredi public.  As I wrote repeatedly before October 7, it is plain that much, if not most, of the anger and protests that were going on were not actually caused by “Judicial Reform”, but rather by the anger and fear that the Secular public has of the growing power and numbers of the religious, and particularly Haredi, community.  They feared that the predominantly secular liberal State of Israel was in danger of becoming far more religious and conservative and were strengthened in those fears by slander and lies in the media and from the intelligentsia.  

What is crucial for us to consider is why so many otherwise reasonable fellow Jews harbor such resentment against the Haredi community.  We need to understand that from the perspective of the secular public, there is a huge monolithic Hareidi community that (a) refuses to serve in the Army or engage in National Service, (b) seeks huge sums from the government coffers to fund their institutions and support thousands of families as the price for their participation in the government, (c) often seeks to impose Halachic restrictions on those who are not interested in observance, and (d) contains those who frequently engage in despicable behavior such as demonstrations for their causes in which they call police and soldiers Nazis.

While much of this is exaggerated by the overwhelmingly anti-religious media, there is too much of it that is true.  What concerns me is that once the war is over, there will be no going back to the way things were, and I believe that – unless things change, and change quickly and significantly – there will be a major blowup between the secular and religious public.  Allow me to explain.

On the one hand, in many ways, the war has sparked a growing appreciation of the Chareidim.  It is widely recognized that the largely Chareidi heroes of Zaka and Ichud Hatzala and other Chessed organizations have been providing vital volunteer service under incredibly difficult conditions.  Moreover, the unbelievable level of giving and Chessed exhibited are simply incredible.  Along with many secular organizations, have provided food, lodging, and every possible need to displaced families.  There has been massive and overflowing support for any possible help to the soldiers, including the purchase of needed equipment.  There has been a great spiritual revival among the soldiers in which they requested and Chareidim have provided tens of thousands of tzitzis and tefillin and other religious articles, which has been a major Kiddush Hashem.  There is no question that, for many, the negative stereotypes and prejudices have been broken.

And yet – many issues are bubbling to the surface, causing a greater and greater rift.  These include:

• This war is incurring a gargantuan financial cost.  Not only to replenish military equipment but to rebuild the many villages destroyed, to finance grants for the half million reservists and businesses (e.g. tour guides like me) out of work for months, and the thousands of families who have been displaced from their homes and businesses.  As many billions must be expended on these vital costs, there will be little sympathy to finance yeshivas and kollels at the levels that they have grown accustomed to requesting.  This goes not only for the government but also for philanthropists who will be directing their donations elsewhere.
  
  
• The blanket exemption for all Haredi young men from the army and national service.  As things now stand, the army will begin large-scale drafting of yeshiva students on April 1 unless the Supreme Court or government intervenes.  Any tolerance for continuing the exemption on the part of the Israeli public is quickly evaporating, as the crying need for more soldiers grows daily The old arguments for exemption are now completely unpersuasive to the unconvinced.  Those include:
  
  
• “They are needed to learn Torah full-time to protect the soldiers.” – Although one might argue that this is valid for those who are actually learning seriously full-time and not engaged in other activities (which is not a consensus halachic view), there are many who do not meet that criterion.  It is wonderful that thousands of young men did so much Chessed and gave so much help to those in need, but one might rightfully ask, “Why are they not in the army?  Taking nothing away from the efforts, goodwill, and kindness of the young Harredi volunteers, it cannot begin to compare to the sacrifice and difficulties faced by those on the battlefield and in danger zones.  Why should they not be asked to put themselves in harm's way when non-Haredi young men do not have that choice?  Why is it that virtually every non-Haredi family has sons and close relatives and dear friends in the army while the Haredi public is largely insulated from the horrors of losing our young heroes?
• “There is only a relatively small number learning; we need to rebuild the Torah world” – this was a very valid argument in the post-Holocaust 1950s when there were just a few hundred full-time yeshiva students in the whole country.  Today, Baruch Hashem, the religious community has exploded, and there are now hundreds of thousands who seek to be classified as full-time learners.  The Torah world has been restored to levels not seen since the Churban Bais HaMikdash, and perhaps before.  Moreover, the financial cost of so many who do not work, or work at menial side jobs is enormous and growing and unfair to the Israeli taxpayers.  There are no fathers in law to support this level of need, and the secular Israelis will not stand for it any longer.
• “It is difficult or impossible to remain a religious God-fearing Jew in the Army.” – Anyone who has been watching the countless examples of religious soldiers who have created enormous Kiddush Hashem and are stellar examples of Yiras Shamayim knows this is simply false.  Yes, it is true that sixty years ago, the army was seen by the secular leadership as an educational institution that would persuade young men to leave the old religious Golus mentality behind and become proud secular Israelis.  However, times have changed.  That is no longer the case.  If, instead of resisting it, the Haredi leadership cooperated in creating an appropriate Hesder-like framework for Haredim that would maintain proper standards of Kashrus and Tzniyus and serious Torah study and Tefilla it could be easily accomplished.  

Haredim set to make up 16% of Israel's population by 2030 - IDI report - Israel Culture - The Jerusalem Post

• “The army does not really need the Haredim – they have more than enough people.”  Clearly, even before the Investigative Committee begins its work, it is obvious that a prime reason for the October 7 failure was an over-reliance on technology.  The billion-dollar smart fence that supposedly obviated the need for as many boots on the ground to protect and defend worked about as well as the Maginot line.  Moreover, the very real threat that Hezbollah in the North and Fatah in Yehuda and Shomron, assisted by other Muslim countries, will join in the fighting is keeping half a million soldiers on the front lines.  There is a deep need for a larger pool of fighters.

There are over 500 soldiers who have given their lives.  Nearly twelve thousand have been wounded, of which nearly three thousand required hospitalization. Virtually none of these were from the Charedi community.

Some young Haredi men are not willing to be accused, as Moshe did, of “Shall your brothers go to war while you sit here?” (Bamidbar 32:6), and a few hundred enlisted.  There is a groundswell of support within the Haredi public for a new approach but it is not being addressed by the Haredi leadership, who largely refuse to consider any change and foster an atmosphere that severely deters any young Charedim from serving.

This was widely seen last week when, unfortunately, MK Porush was chosen to deliver the news that due to the desperate need for more soldiers, 1300 National Religious young men would be pulled from their yeshiva and drafted earlier than planned, and thus would not complete their pre-Army Torah training in the Medrashot. Furthermore, basic army service would be extended for several months, and reserve soldiers would now serve far more frequently and for longer periods than before.  The irony of a Chareidi MK who seeks to shield his constituents from the very service he was demanding of others was not lost on many Israelis, particularly the National Religious community.

Recently as well, Dr. Tehila Elizur, a well-respected Dati Leumi teacher and lecturer, circulated a letter addressed to Charedi Mothers of young men now exempted from the Army.  She exclaimed, in part, "This reality is no longer tolerable.  it is impossible to live here without an army, and we are all responsible for one another: it is not possible that others risk their children for me when I and my children will not risk for them. ... It's time for your sons to enlist in the IDF… We no longer stake our hopes on the leaders of Charedi society, the heads of yeshiva and kollels, politicians, and businessmen. …I wish to direct this painful voice to ultra-Orthodox women because I feel they are the ones who can lead the change, even if it is slow and gradual, within Charedi society. "

• “Young charedi men can not be allowed to enter National Service (Sherut Leumi), as this is a step on the slippery slope towards the army” – It is clear that many young Haredim are already engaged in forms of Sherut Leumi, whether it is by volunteering for Hatazala, Zaka, Chaveirim, Yad Sarah, or many other wonderful organizations.  If only this were able to be recognized officially as Sherut Leumi, many of the complaints about those who shirk their national service would be mitigated.
  
  
• The discouragement of young men from receiving a secular education – I am not writing regarding those who are really learning full-time, although an argument can be made there as well.  But many, many young men are prevented from supporting their families properly by a lack of willingness to allow them to have a proper education and engage in a lucrative profession.  As I argued above, the world has changed since sixty years ago.  With the percentage of Chareidi children over 25%, and growing, the present economic condition is unsustainable from within, and the large public will rebel at supporting it.

I could go on, but this essay is already long.  In a coming essay, which may have to wait for the end of the war, I will address another very important part of this issue.  But for now, I wish to underscore the point that, in all likelihood, the Charedi community will face fierce resistance if they try to make the same demands that they made in the past before joining a government coalition.    It is high time to recognize that times have changed and that the once precarious state of the Yeshivas and Limud HaTorah has greatly improved.  While a generation ago it might have been necessary to fiercely oppose the draft of any Chareidi young man, as all hands were needed on the Yeshiva decks, the Chareidim are now a huge, powerful, and growing community, who need to do their share of the national service.

Although there is much goodwill that has been generated, as described above, the secular public is likely to have a very short memory when it comes to forming a government after the war, and these resentments are sure to boil over. As it stands right now, the polls indicate that there is little chance that the Haredim will be included in the next government coalition.  I can only hope that those who have power and influence in the Haredi world will consider these issues and find positive ways to address these needs before, God forbid, we descend into a miserable power struggle that will likely not end well.

In Spite Of Your Blood, You Shall Live

 I am very grateful to my dear daughter and son-in-law Diti and Yitzi for the honor of being the Sandak at my grandson's Bris…it was an offer I couldn't refuse.  

Actual Movie Poster from the 1970s

I hope that I performed my role well. When considering my role, I imagined that it goes beyond just sitting there and holding the baby's legs. Chazal say that the reason that – obviously in other cases – they look for a Tzadik to be the Sandak is that the Sandak's lap functions as a Mizbeach, on which the parents offer their precious, vulnerable, tiny little son – whom they brought into the world with so much effort and love – as an offering to Hashem. Little and innocent as he is, he undergoes a painful procedure with a knife that is difficult for him and, even more so, for his mother and father. But it is a traumatic yet necessary process to become a member of the Jewish people.

This past Shabbos Parshas Bo, we read about the first mitzvos that were given to Klal Yisrael. Each family in Egypt was to take a perfect young male sheep or goat, guard it in their home for four days, and then slaughter it on Erev Pesach. They would then eat of it, after having circumcised themselves. Why were these two given as the first mitzvot? Rashi quotes the Midrash:

Rav Masya ben Harash said [in response]: Behold He [God] says: “And I passed by you and saw you, and behold your time was the time of love” (Ezek. 16:8). The [time for the fulfillment of the] oath that I swore to Abraham that I would redeem his children has arrived. But they [the Children of Israel] had no commandments in their hands with which to occupy themselves in order that they be redeemed, as it is said: “but you were naked and bare” (Ezek. 16:7). So He gave them two mitzvoth, the blood of the Passover and the blood of the circumcision. They circumcised themselves on that night, as it is said: “wallowing in your blood (בְּדָמַיִךְ)” (ibid., verse 6), with the two [types of] blood.

The time for the Geulah had arrived, but Am Yisrael was not worthy of it. There were two problems. First, they had no positive mitzvos. They had not demonstrated their willingness to give up everything for Hashem. Yes, they had suffered and gone through enormous difficulties, but they had not shown their true nature of self-sacrifice. Thus, they needed to be willing to submit themselves and their children to Milah. To be able to stand before Hashem with the merit of having been willing to undergo a painful challenge, just because that is what Hashem required of them.

And they also had to bring the Korban Pesach. This was to rid themselves of the negative – the idolatrous, depraved Egyptian culture in which they had become enmeshed until the 49th level of depravity. They had to be willing to take those values and that way of life, publicly repudiate it, and then destroy it while transforming it into an offering to the Ribbono Shel Olam.

In the merit of those two mitzvot, while they were suffering, the Geula came. As Rashi wrote, and as we mention in the Haggadah, and as we said during the Bris ceremony

וָאֶעֱבֹר עָלַיִךְ וָאֶרְאֵךְ מִתְבּוֹסֶסֶת בְּדָמָיִךְ וָאֹמַר לָךְ בְּדָמַיִךְ חֲיִי וָאֹמַר לָךְ בְּדָמַיִךְ חֲיִ

Hashem passed over us, saw us wallowing in blood, and said

 “IN your blood shall you Live!, In spite of your blood, you shall live!

We pretend that we are having a normal celebration in normal times, when in fact, every one of us is in great danger

This sentence has special significance for us in this unique, terrible, and special year.

Two weeks ago, Lonni and I had the privilege of going to the south with a mission of Rabbis and saw some terrible things. We walked through the destruction and horror of burnt-out homes in Kfar Aza. We walked on the killing field that was the vestige of the Nova Festival at Kibbutz Rayim. We met with fathers who had lost their children, with mothers who had seen people brutalized, and with parents whose children are now in Gaza for 108 days, subject to unimaginable terror. We had the great privilege to meet with displaced families and with a few of the hundreds of thousands of our best and finest – the brave young men and women who are putting their lives in danger every day in order to protect us. It is them, with Hashem's help, that give us the opportunity to sit here today and pretend that we are having a normal celebration in normal times, when in fact, every one of us is in great danger with enemies in the North and the South and throughout Israel – let alone the haters in the rest of the world – determined to hurt and to kill us.

Photography by Yehoshua Halevi

We are truly lying and wallowing in the blood of over 2,000 of our dead brothers and sisters and many more wounded…and desperately clinging to the message from Hashem: 

"IN your blood shall you Live!; In spite of your blood, you shall live!

Much of the time, we are walking like the majority of the Jewish people during the plague of Choshech – darkness. We do not see how much damage our pettiness and parochial thinking cause. We do not want to grab on to the signs of the great redemption to come, preferring to remain in our comfortable conceptions. There are signs all around us; there is a treasure that is ours for the taking, and a great light available to us, but too many of us see only what brings darkness. This is what caused so many to fall away during that time. It is our challenge to rise up and see that 

וּלְכָל בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל הָיָה אוֹר בְּמוֹשְׁבֹתָם

It is up to us to see the coming Geulah, to rise up and to hold on to the hand that Hashem is stretching out to us, and to dedicate ourselves to using this special time to bring about unity in Klal Yisroel. That is the only thing that can bring the Geulah.

My bracha to my grandson is that he will grow up to make us all proud in helping to lead the next generation of Jews who will be living in times of Geulah. He is a lucky kid; he has such fantastic parents overflowing with love, wisdom, and caring, who have already shown their parenting skills with his amazing older brother. They will continue to raise their children together with all extended children that they both influence so beautifully in the teaching that they do in the Seminary and in the Yeshiva to be inspired and dedicated young Jews

I am confident they will grow great in Torah and Jewish wisdom and become fountains of inspiration for all those who will know them.

I hope that Akiva Yona and Moshe Dovid will be blessed to live in a time of peace and that by the time they reach maturity, Mashiach will already long be here. But if, chas veshalom, they live in a troubled time, I hope they will be among those who are Mikadesh Shem Shamayim by serving in the defense of our people and putting all of our Torah values into practice in the most beautiful of ways, taking their place among the heroes of Klal Yisroel as they bring the Geulah, במהרה בימינו