Just a few weeks ago, I wrote an essay describing what is happening in Israel. I maintained that the mass protests were not really about "Standing up for Democracy" or protesting the Judicial reform but rather about the anger of the Left that they lost the elections, were out of power, and were likely to stay that way. Since then, the mobs have been whipped up into ever greater frenzies by their leaders, and the country is now at a frightening level of division and hate, and many fear that a real civil war will soon explode. The leaders of the Left have no bounds of responsibility for what they are causing in their self-righteous hypocrisy, with former Prime Ministers Lapid, Barak, and Olmert, together with many of their leaders, literally calling for War against the current government, while continuing to spout lies and distortion about their true aims.
The truth is, as I argued in that essay – and as anyone examining the proposals of Judicial Reform may plainly see – the reforms are not radical at all. They are merely an attempt to restore the proper balance between the Knesset and the Judiciary, which was devastated by the undemocratic power grab of Aharon Barak. In a deceitful and hidden fashion, he and his co-conspirators engineered changes in the Knesset's basic laws, giving himself and the Court unbridled power. Since then, the power has been used to promote an elitist agenda that has been condemned at various times by parties from the entire political spectrum, including the hypocrites leading these protests. But they have found a rallying cry to use as a hammer to smash at the government, and unfortunately, they are using it all too effectively.
However, what the protests are really about is not that at all. Ninety-nine percent of the demonstrators would not be able to put two truthful sentences together to explain what it is about the judicial reforms that so angers them that they have come out to the streets again and again to demonstrate. What really exercises them is that, for the first time, the ones they consider "the extreme right" are in control and intent on enacting various policies that are antithetical to the Left. They are angry that Netanyahu, who they now refer to as "the Dictator," is once again the Prime Minister, despite their best efforts to delegitimize him. They are irate that Itamar ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich are senior ministers. The presence of a long-bearded, Chassidic-dressed minister from the UTJ revolts them. They are disgusted that Aryeh Deri will once again be in power.
Most of all, they are incensed, frustrated, angry, and frightful regarding the growth of the religious parties. UTJ, Shas, and the Religious Zionist parties control thirty-two out of 120 seats. (That does not consider the more extreme Chareidim, who do not participate in the elections. If they did, the religious parties would control 3-4 more seats.) They falsely claim that the government is trying to turn Israel into a theocratic state run by Halachah and that judicial reform is only the first domino that is needed before Israel will be no different than Iran.1
The question now is by which of two proccesses will Israel be ruled:
Democracy or Rule of the Mob.
The problem we now face – it has become a genuinely existential issue – is whether Israel will survive as a Democracy. But not because of the reasons the protesters say; indeed, the exact reverse is the case. The question now is by which of two processes Israel will be ruled – by Democracy or by the Rule of the Mob.
One possibility is a democratic process of elections, in which the winner rules, and the opposition licks its wounds, learns something about what the electorate wants, and positions itself as responsible legislators who can win the next election.
The other possibility is what we now face – the losing side forms itself into an unruly mob that refuses to accept the results of the election, sets out to paralyze the country with mass demonstrations blocking all the roads, threatens to refuse to perform vital national functions (for those of them in position to do so like pilots, army officers, diplomats, doctors, etc.), actively encourages foreign investors to withdraw their funds, spreads their lies and hatred to influence the press and leaders of foreign countries who have vital ties, and generally makes life unbearable, all in the name of fighting for "democracy". It is the big lie on steroids. It is made possible by using unbounded Chutzpah, reminiscent of the boy – having murdered his parents – who seeks sympathy because he is an orphan. They are the ones creating the chaos and havoc, and then they blame the "dysfunctional government" for it.
It is only made worse by the veneer of respectability that the mob has gained from those who speak on its behalf. The President of Israel, who until just a few years ago was the leader of the Left and chairman of the Labor party, has taken the side of the protesters, instead of the position he is supposed to take of being above politics. Several government minsters, including Yoav Galant, have taken their side. Galant was Defense Minister, never allowed Bezalel Smotrich the authority over Judea and Samaria, which was agreed upon in the coalition negotiations and did not respond adequately to the reservists who tried to politicize the army, leaving Netanyahu with no choice but to fire him. This has further led fuel to the protesters' fire, unfortunately.
If the government gives in to the protesters, it will set a terrible precedent and cripple its ability for any meaningful change in the future. Having tasted blood, the Left will know that anytime they want to oppose a government action, they have to come out and block the roads again in the name of "democracy", and they will get their way. They will totally forget their former anger and criticism of the Right when such tactics were taken – on a much smaller scale – to block the Oslo accords and the Disengagement, as they have now. Such tactics are patriotic acts of Democracy – but only when engaged in by the Left.
What the government now faces is whether to stand for democracy, and against mob rule, or whether to capitulate. It is a terrible quandary – I do not envy PM Netanyahu. We hear that the government is intransigent in not agreeing to pause the Judicial reforms until after Pesach and Yom HaAtzmaut. While that sounds like a good idea, the government knows that the Left will not use such a pause to cool the tempers and engage in rational discussion, mediation, and compromise because they are not interested in compromise. They want to bring down the government, and will accept nothing less.
My father-in-law Rabbi Monni Weisberger ע"ה would say, "We need Mashiach to come – badly!" I don't know what resolution is possible here. We did see a wonderful evening of respite when the protesters came to cause trouble and havoc in Bnei Brak and were met with cholent, hamantashen, drinks, and music playing Shalom Aleichem! I was very proud of how this was handled in that case, completely defusing the protest. Unfortunately, I don't have any illusions that this will be replicated nationally.
May Hashem bring us a Festival of Freedom in which the truth will prevail, and all Four sons will be able to sit together peacefully to await the Mashiach as the Mighty one, Adir Hu, Yivneh Baiso B'Karov
1. In my humble opinion, the government is doing itself no favors by pushing for the Chametz law and to reinstall Aryeh Deri at this time, which only adds fuel to the fire. They should have gone slower in introducing these items at a later time - it just gives the haters arguments to pile on.
2 comments:
Democracy is often mob rule. Plato's " The Republic" describes such a dialectic. Democracy along with the modern nation state is not really a Torah concept. True a majority in Judicial proceedings was required but but constitutes the election was not part of our tradition. Also when there existed a Sanhedrin and Monarchy, judges did choose their replacements and they had some legislative powers like to make Takanot. Problem is today's Israeli courts are by definition Paxil in most cases to sit in judgment
The rebellion against judicial reform was aided and abetted by the fact that the PM is before the courts in a criminal matter and that he proposes that a convicted felon should serve as a minister in his govt. That the left has an a-priori hatred against the religious parties is true. However, they are able to exploit and camouflage this vitriol by focusing on the issues related above. The opposition to someone who is a subject of the courts to initiate judicial reform appears to be eminently reasonable without discussing the substance of what those proposed changes are. Moreover, the govt. has a slim majority in parliament which must not be construed as a mandate.For the sake of the country, Likud should select another leader and Deri should forego his aspirations for a ministerial portfolio. He should revel in the fact that he is a member of parliament. .
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